Foreign Policy Begins at Home
Foreign Policy Begins at Home (ISBN: 9780465057986) was written by Richard N. Haass in 2013.
The author argues that the foundations of U.S. power are in domestic institutions and services, and that these are threatened by the recent trends in U.S. politics.
The author also presents a semi-realist worldview: international society is competition "between forces of order and disorder" (p13). We are currently in an international order of "nonpolarity" (p15) characterized by world and regional powers, but also weaker states that capture significant amounts of international finance, and even more strangely international organizations, NGOs, and MNCs. The state has lost its monopoly on international influence. This diffusion of power makes brokering solutions more difficult and leads to a more complex international law (i.e., centralized forums like UN underrepresent some of these parties; this leads to many bilateral treaties in place of one multilateral treaty). Also, commitment to the international laws created in older forums is uncertain (e.g., Non Proliferation Treaty).
The author presents a few perspectives to suggest that the U.S. should engage in realpolitik. He introduces his theory as "restoration" (p104).
Shortsighted wars (in Vietnam, Iraq, and Afghanistan, but actually just the 2009 surge in Afghanistan) yielded results that could have been accomplished more cheaply.
- "As a rule, it is preferable to promote evolutionary political change over the revolutionary; where this is impossible, the US approach to new regimes that emerge should be highly conditional." (p75) In plainer terms, he advocates for conditionality on support, loans, and diplomatic recognition. He even suggests transactional diplomacy.
- End of Cold War mentality means no more "reflexive or sworn adversaries" (p79). Can cooperate with enemies.
- Bullish on democratization as a foreign policy. Iraq War as an example of the costs as well as the likely outcome. Actually bullish on having any Middle East foreign policy goals at all.
- Accept that counterterrorism cannot achieve zero terrorism; the slim margin that we fail to stop is not worth what we spend on the war on terrorism.
The differentiation is that restoration calls for realpolitik abroad while investing the same resources back into the U.S.
- Cut military spending, reform entitlements (esp. adding means-testing, effectively making them welfare instead), and raise taxes to balance the budget.
- Reform healthcare, somehow.
Let energy trends continue.
- Domestic oil production is rising; help it rise by maintaining investment.
Oil imports from Canada and Mexico are rising; help them rise by building oil pipelines.
- Oil consumption is falling; help it fall by pushing tougher efficiency requirements and taxing gas more.
- Domestic natural gas, which substitutes oil, is rising: help it rise by expanding gas deposit discovery efforts and deregulating.
- Improve K-12 education quality by
- paying teachers better, or recruiting better teachers who will require better salaries
- lengthening the school year
- adopting Common Core structures, esp. making financial incentives for schools conditional on performance
- Invest in infrastructure
- Reform immigration law to make it easier for people to immigrate for work and education.
- Bringing up the economic growth rate, somehow.
- Halt political polarization, somehow
The author argues polarization was created by:
- gerrymandering eroding the power of apolitical voters
Citizens United v U.S. decision and super PACs, eroding the power of political parties
- social media bubbles, eroding the conforming pressure of major entertainment
- media
- special interest politics (e.g., senior citizens block entitlement reform)
The remedies he prescribes then are:
- structural changes to congress, e.g. eroding the power of committees
.* structural changes to elections, e.g. seizing the power to draw districts from the states
- programs to expand the voter base, from making registration easier up to compulsory voting
- abolishing the electoral college
- fast track authority for the president, i.e. barring congress from amending treaties
A rebranded American exceptionalism: "The United States does not need the world's permission to act, but it does often need the world's support to succeed." (p83).
The author briefly discusses what he views as the main agents in international order:
China: an ascendant economy and military; increasingly policy reflects the nationalist preferences of the Chinese people rather than a central plan; may embrace greater repression as economic growth slows
EU: strong but unwilling to consolidate and act strategically; the design of European institutions encourages risk-averse nationalist politicians to derail international projects that already hold majoritarian support
NATO: see above; having a European focus makes this institution increasingly irrelevent
Japan: like Europe, unwilling to flex its power; also a substantial debt holds it back
India: rising, but deep inequalities in a massive population mean that the foundations of that economic and military power (i.e., infrastructure, public education, etc) are thin
- Interestingly this is precisely where the author argues the U.S. is headed
Russia: weakened and weakening; population is falling, economic growth is slow under oligarchs; NATO surrounds it
Iran: rising regional power, probably seeking proliferation, and there is not a clear consensus to contain it; not clear that a negotiated peace can be brokered
Reading Notes
The author presents a case built on an interesting blend of philosophy and structural analysis. Need to be wary though, most of the content of his arguments is based purely in philosophy, no quantitative or empirical grounding.
The author also has a bad habit of commenting on literally every policy issue, while also arguing that we need to dampen political polarization (and without providing any ideas for how to do so!).